Zoltan Grunhut (p), Akos Bodor

Zoltán Hajdú

The paper builds on the idea of Cosmopolitan Europe developed by Ulrich Beck and Edgar Grande 15 years ago. The original argument aimed to propose a conceptual reinvention for the European Union (EU). Beck and Grande linked their framing of the EU to the social grand-theory of Late Modernity. Going further on this path, the current paper strives to critically review the idea of Cosmopolitan Europe in light of the latest literatures and according to the present social-political context of the EU. The paper argues that Beck and Grande’s theory is more relevant today than in 2007, because, on one hand, the EU has arrived at a critical turning point in the struggle between nationalists and post-nationalists, while on the other, due to hidden dynamics of growing tension between First and Late Modernity. Based on this theoretical argument, the paper proposes a simple problem to be addressed, whether European societies are more or less open for the cosmopolitan shift and its set of individual/social rationale (way of thinking and doing things) urged by the late modern tendencies. So, obtained data from international survey, the second part presents a comparative inquiry of EU member states’ process of cosmopolitanism and emotional association with Europeanness. Based on our results, it seems that while Eastern Europeans feel to be strongly attached to Europe, they do not consider cosmopolitanism as a foundation for their Europeanness. In order to better understand the special constellation of Eastern European societies, the paper provides a multi-year (2002-2020) statistical analysis about this sub-region of the EU, whether certain social or political trends could be identified as explanatory factors.

Dávid Nagy (p), Ildikó Egyed, Patrícia Spiegler

Zoltan Grunhut

Cruise tourism has witnessed dynamic development over the last twenty years, which was only disrupted by the Covid-19 pandemic. This trend is the reserve of the observed decline in freight transport, which has mitigated the low rate of waterway utilisation. The Danube-Main-Rhine is the most important route for European river cruise tourism. Danube river cruise traffic doubled between 2002 and 2011, and has been growing steadily ever since. In 2020, the pandemic triggered a 90 % drop in passenger traffic, due mostly to the overwhelming share of guests belonging to the senior citizen category and many overseas passengers traveling to Europe by air.
The steady improvement of the security situation in the region and European integration have been the key underlying conditions for the development of Danube navigation. The changes implemented from 2019 and their effects reveal the critical role of the freedom of entry and movement between countries in the sector. The goal of the presentation is to demonstrate this last assertion.

Péter Reményi (p)

Dávid Nagy

In our paper we intend to map and analyse the rapidly increasing Hungarian involvement in the Western Balkans and in Bosnia and Herzegovina in particular. Bosnia and Herzegovina has not been among the top partners of Hungary, but recently several events, meetings, (non-)papers and economic moves have been reported which worth investigating. Since Bosnia and Herzegovina is the most unstable but at the same time a strategically important state it adds to the reasons why the issue should be addressed. On the other hand this increase is not focusing only on Bosnia and Herzegovina, Hungary constantly increases its activity in the wider Western Balkans region, the context of which is the changing global and regional geopolitical conditions of the first decades of the 21st century. In what has been called the 'new Cold War', a multi-player global power struggle between the major powers (US, China, Russia) and the regional powers with interests in the region (Turkey, Gulf states, EU) has also led to confrontations in the Balkans, but none of them has been able to establish a hegemonic role. In this specific state of balance of power, Hungary has increased its presence in the Western Balkans since the 2010s, which can be seen in the political, economic and security spheres as well. Ethnic Hungarian communities beyond the borders also occupy an important place in this system through kin-state politics. We attempt to use a critical approach to explore the (1) background, context, (2) components and characteristics, (3) external drivers, and (4) consequences of the growth of Hungarian activity in the Western Balkans, especially in Bosnia and Herzegovina. We will use literature, media and discourse analysis and statistical data as well as interviews with staff of policy making institutions and think tanks on the Balkans and Hungarian diplomacy organizations.

Zoltán Hajdú (p)

Péter Reményi

The Peace Treaty of Trianon (1920) took the Kassa - Csap railway line (to the north of the town of Sátoraljaújhely) as the basis of drawing the state border line between Hungary and Czechoslovakia. The Tokaj wine region was not subject to consideration in this process. (However, the decision nicknamed 'Wine Trianon' had a very high importance in the region.) Czechoslovakia 'realised' in 1924 that it had a small area (132 ha) belonging to the historical wine region (that was defined on the basis of the Hungarian wine act of 1908), and established a viticultural research station in Kistoronya (Malá Tŕňa).
The two countries’ (following the dissolution of Czechoslovakia, as of 1993 Slovakia) dispute on the issue of the Tokaj wine region can be divided into four phases: 1) the period of the two world wars, 2) the era of state socialism, 3) from the regime changes in the two countries to the common EU memberships, 4) the period of disagreement within the European Union.
The nature of the state border policies and bilateral interstate relations were permanently present in the dispute at all times.
In the period of state socialism, a bilateral agreement 'arranged' the market for the 'Tokaj-type’ wines produced in Czechoslovakia: Hungary had to buy these for US dollar from Czechoslovakia, and afterwards re-exported them to the Soviet Union for rouble. (The strange contract was terminated by both parties in 1989).
Following the systemic changes and privatisations in both countries a new situation has arisen. The role of the 'Western market' started growing very rapidly, especially for Hungary.
After 1989, influences of the European Union’s wine regulations were emerging for both Hungary and Slovakia. Their bilateral relations and discussions became defined by acute market problems.
The ministers responsible for the issue tried several times to reach an agreement regarding the use of the name for the area and the wines, but even the preliminary agreements that appeared to be successful failed for governmental political considerations.
The bilateral dispute passed through the forums of the European Commission and the General Court, and in both cases Slovakia's position prevailed.
Following very long deliberations, the Court of Justice of the European Union declared on 13 February 2014 that 'the listing of the Slovak wine name 'Vinohradnícka oblast' Tokaj' in the E-Bacchus register of protected designations of origin does not constitute an actionable measure'.